Thursday, November 13, 2014



Politically correct British police protected a violent Muslim -- until he killed a woman


A nurse was murdered and mutilated by her ex-boyfriend after police failed to warn her that he had a history of attacks on women, a damning official report has found.

Katie Cullen, 34, a highly respected hospital sister, was ‘badly let down’ by police who failed to protect her from Iman Ghaefelipour, 28.

The Iranian, who had successfully claimed asylum in the UK, threatened to kill two previous girlfriends and burn down one of their houses.

When Miss Cullen reported him to police for harassment and death threats, they investigated – but did not pass on the information.

This was because she said he had spoken ‘in the heat of the moment’ and had never been violent, and there were no ‘warning markers’ for violence on his record, they claimed.

Miss Cullen later agreed to meet him at her home, where he stabbed her more than 130 times in the face and neck, cut out her right eyeball and tried to sever her right hand. He was jailed for at least 23 years in 2010 after pleading guilty to the murder in October 2009.

Yesterday a deeply critical report by the Independent Police Complaints Commission (IPCC) found that had she been told of his past, Miss Cullen might be alive today.

It said claims he set fires on an earlier partner’s property were not handled properly.

Rachel Cerfontyne, IPCC deputy chairman, said police put her in danger by giving her ‘false reassurance’.

She went on: ‘In my view, Katie was badly let down by Greater Manchester Police. Our investigation exposed a catalogue of inaction and missed opportunities.

‘Had arson offences against [his ex] been adequately investigated, it is possible Mr Ghaefelipour would have been convicted and not at liberty . . . [Miss Cullen] was passed from pillar to post.’

Her mother Diane, also a nurse, said: ‘We are distraught at what happened to Katie and utterly appalled at the lack of care she received at the hands of GMP.

‘It is inconceivable to us that the two police officers concerned should protect her assailant . . . rather than a vulnerable girl who lived on her own and who turned to them for help. By withholding such information from Katie they denied her the opportunity to protect herself.

‘She returned to her own home alone and vulnerable, ignorant of the dangerous situation she was in.’

She added: ‘Since Katie’s murder we have been plunged into unimaginable torture. ‘There isn’t a day goes by I don’t think about her.’

Original report here


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Wednesday, November 12, 2014



Duped by Medill Innocence Project, Milwaukee man now free

The first time I wrote about Alstory Simon, then a Milwaukee north sider, was in 1999, right after he confessed to a double murder in Chicago.

Simon's shocking admission — not to police but to an investigator working for Northwestern University's Medill Innocence Project — led to the release and pardon of a man on death row for the crime, and ultimately to the death penalty being abolished in Illinois.

Two years later, I wrote about Simon again. This time he had reached out to me from prison to say the confession and subsequent guilty plea were involuntary. He insisted he was innocent, as do most inmates who send letters to reporters from prison.

My column was not sympathetic. His confession was right there on videotape for everyone to see, including the detail that he had "busted off about six rounds."

Last week, Simon walked out of prison a free man after Cook County State's Attorney Anita Alvarez announced that her office, after a yearlong investigation, was vacating the charges against him and ending his 37-year sentence.

The investigation by the Medill Innocence Project, she said, "involved a series of alarming tactics that were not only coercive and absolutely unacceptable by law enforcement standards, they were potentially in violation of Mr. Simon's constitutionally protected rights."

The truth took 15 years to come out. That's 15 years that Simon, now 64, spent behind bars.

"Believe me, it is mentally painful to walk around every day, locked up for something that you know you didn't do," Simon told Shawn Rech, whose film about the case, "A Murder in the Park," now has an ending. It premieres at a film festival in New York on Nov. 17.

Simon, who moved to Milwaukee from Chicago in the 1980s to find work, is not granting interviews, his attorney, Terry Ekl, told me. But Ekl echoed Alvarez's criticism of former Northwestern journalism professor David Protess, who led the Medill Innocence Project, and the investigator on the team, Paul Ciolino.

"In my opinion, Northwestern, Protess and Ciolino framed Simon so that they could secure the release of (Anthony) Porter and make him into the poster boy for the anti-death penalty movement," he said.

Identified by several eye witnesses, Porter was sentenced to death for the fatal shooting of Jerry Hillard and Marilyn Green at a south side Chicago park in 1982. He was just two days from a lethal chemical injection when he was freed in February 1999 following Simon's confession.

Then-Gov. George Ryan imposed a moratorium on the death penalty in 2000, and Illinois abolished capital punishment in 2011.

But that neat and clean narrative unraveled with the discovery of how the confession by Simon was obtained. Protess discovered that Green's mother had mentioned Simon was with Green and Hillard at the park the day of the murders, so Protess went after Simon in an effort to clear Porter.

Protess and two of his journalism students came to Simon's home in the 200 block of E. Wright St. in Milwaukee and told him they were working on a book about unsolved murders. According to Simon, Protess told him, "We know you did it."

Then Simon received a visit from Ciolino and another man. They had guns and badges and claimed to be Chicago police officers. They said they knew he had killed Green and Hillard, so he better confess if he hoped to avoid the death penalty.

They showed him a video of his ex-wife, Inez Jackson, implicating him for the crime — a claim she recanted on her death bed in 2005 — and another video of a supposed witness to the crime who turned out to be an actor.

They coached Simon through a videotaped confession, promising him a light sentence and money from book and movie deals on the case. Simon, admittedly on a three-day crack cocaine bender, struggled to understand what was going on.

Perhaps worst of all, they hooked up Simon with a free lawyer to represent him, Jack Rimland, without telling him that Rimland was a friend of Ciolino and Protess and in on their plan to free Porter.

At Rimland's urging, Simon pleaded guilty to the crime and even offered what sounded like a sincere apology to Green's family in court. As added leverage to make him cooperate, Rimland had told Simon he was suspected in a Milwaukee murder, though nothing ever came of it.

"Bob told me to get rid of this attorney. ... I should have listened to him," Simon says in the film, referring to Bob Braun, a West Allis man best known around here for protesting against abortion, same-sex marriage, pornography and other issues. The two men are friends.

Braun said he never doubted Simon's innocence. The two men wrote back and forth regularly during Simon's incarceration, and Braun visited him there twice. After 15 years in prison, Simon told Braun, the most noticeable change is that everyone carries a phone, and there are no more pay phones.

When his abuses came to light, Protess was suspended by Northwestern and has since retired from there. The Medill Innocence Project has been renamed The Medill Justice Project. Protess isn't talking, but he is now president of the Chicago Innocence Project, which investigates wrongful convictions. Ciolino put out a statement saying Simon also had confessed to a Milwaukee TV reporter, his lawyer and others.

"You explain that," he said.

We know now that the explanation was that Simon was snared in a trap set by people who wanted to end the death penalty, no matter what the cost. Once they convinced Simon it was for his own good, he was all in.

And now, finally, he's out and back in Chicago. Simon enjoyed a lobster dinner on his first day of freedom. Ekl said he doesn't think Simon has family still in Milwaukee and is not planning to return here. Too many painful memories.

Simon's mother died while he was in prison. He told the filmmaker he's eager to reconnect with his daughter and see his grandchild for the first time.

"I thank God," he said, "that he shined down on me."

Original report here



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Tuesday, November 11, 2014



Three Ways Courts Screw the Innocent Into Pleading Guilty

You should go read Jed A. Rakoff’s essay in The New York Review of Books, in which the senior federal district judge tries to explain why innocent people so often plead guilty.

But even if you have better things to do this weekend than digest Rakoff’s thorough, convincing, 4,400-word essay, it’s still worth considering why at least 20,000 people have pled guilty to and gone to jail for felonies they did not commit — if you very conservatively take criminologists’ lowest estimates, and cut them in half.

Rakoff identifies three ways the criminal justice system obstructs its own "truth seeking mechanism," a trial by jury, which Rakoff calls a "shield against tyranny" and which Thomas Jefferson famously called "the only anchor ever yet imagined by man, by which a government can be held to the principles of its constitution."

1. By embracing the increasingly-popular plea bargain. Some 97 percent of federal trials were resolved last year through plea bargain, the offer of a lesser charge and a reduced sentence if the defendant forgoes a trial. But the practice, which has never really taken hold in other countries, is, to Rakoff, "the devil’s pact." Plea bargains happen behind closed doors, without judicial oversight, and are weighted largely in favor of the prosecutor, who has access to police reports, witness interviews, and forensic test reports. Prosecutors also have the discretion to shape the charges brought at trial, and until last year federal attorneys routinely used that power to bully people into plea bargains; any defendant who sought a trial would face the most severe charges with the lengthiest prison sentences as a matter of policy.

In contrast, defense attorneys typically only meet with defendants after they have been arrested and can only interview them through "arduous restrictions imposed by most jails," as Rakoff puts it. The notion that a plea bargain is a contractual mediation between two relatively equal parties, Rakoff argues, "is a total myth".

2. Through mandatory minimum sentences. These rules effectively took sentencing power away from judges and transferred it to prosecutors, who can ensure uncooperative defendants spend a long time in prison by bringing charges with the longest minimum sentences. In 2012, the average sentence for defendants brought up on drugs charges who took a plea deal equaled five years and four months, while the average sentence for those who went to trial was sixteen years. The combination of mandatory sentences and prosecutorial discretion forces the defendant into a grim cost-benefit analysis: run the risk of losing the case and serve the maximum sentence or take a reduced charge, at a reduced sentence, even when innocent.

3. Via the unfettered rise of prosecutorial power. Prosecutors have far more power to exert their will than any other party involved in the criminal justice system. The one mechanism that could check their power is the jury trial, which is becoming "virtually extinct" in federal court, Rakoff writes.

One possible solution to all these problems — aside from repealing mandatory minimum sentences and generally reducing the severity of sentences — is greater judicial oversight after indictment. Rakoff’s proposal is for a magistrate to meet with a prosecutor and defendant independently, ask them to provide evidence, and make their own propositions on whether the case is strong enough to go to trial. The magistrate could also interview witnesses and even the defendant.

"I am under no illusions that this suggested involvement of judges in the plea-bargaining process is a panacea," Rakoff concludes. "But would not any program that helps to reduce the shame of sending innocent people to prison be worth trying?

Original report here


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Monday, November 10, 2014



Australian cop convicted on drink-driving, drug charges

An off-duty Victorian policeman who fled the scene of a multi-car crash was found to have a blood alcohol concentration of .196 and the drug ecstasy in his system.

Nathan Harkness had been to a 40th birthday party in June when he drove through a red light outside Geelong and braked heavily before crashing into a parked car, which struck a second vehicle.

Melbourne Magistrates Court was told on Tuesday that Harkness, 38, a senior constable, drove from the scene about 9am as the other drivers readied to exchange names and addresses.

Prosecutor Julian Ayres told the court that soon after, and "coincidentally", his car was noticed with damage by other police members.

Mr Ayres said Harkness tested positive to alcohol and at 11.52am a blood test was taken that later revealed the high reading and also the presence of ecstasy.

Harkness, who is suspended, pleaded guilty to charges of exceeding the prescribed concentration of alcohol, careless driving, failing to stop after an accident and failing a drug blood test.

His barrister, Sean Hardy, told the court his client, a policeman since 2008, was married with three children, had no prior convictions and his chance of retaining his job "doesn't look good".

Mr Hardy said Harkness did not take drugs and believed his drink may have been spiked, but admitted he tended to binge-drink alcohol.

He would suffer hardship as a result of his poor judgment, he submitted, as the circumstances were "not going to assist him" in future applications for work.

Deputy Chief Magistrate Felicity Broughton told Harkness he was lucky his wife was not greeted at their front door with the news he had been killed or he had killed someone else.

Ms Broughton said he was "well aware of the carnage on the roads" and that he was "incredibly lucky" his type of drink-driving was not worse.

She told him he ought to have clearly known it was his duty to uphold the law and advised him that he needed to urgently and consistently address his issue with alcohol, but was confident "we will not see you back here again".

Harkness was convicted on all charges, fined a total of $2000 and had his licence cancelled for 19 months.

Original report here. (Via Australian police news)


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Sunday, November 09, 2014



Australia: Serving S.A. Police officer Amanda Boughen pleads guilty to fabricating, altering or concealing evidence in ongoing case


A SERVING SA Police officer has admitted she fabricated, altered or concealed evidence in an ongoing investigation while working patrols in the northern suburbs.

For the first time, The Advertiser can today report details of the prosecution of Senior Constable Amanda Boughen following a plea bargain deal and the lifting of a suppression order.

Boughen, 40, of Mawson Lakes, had previously pleaded not guilty to one count of abuse of public office and one count of attempting to obstruct or pervert the course of justice.

It was alleged those offences, at Ingle Farm in May 2010, involved Boughen tipping off her then-lover, Storm Strang, to an investigation into his Bridge Rd, Para Hills drug crop.

Strang, 41, is facing sentencing for his role as ringleader of a three-state, four-year, $40 million cannabis trafficking syndicate that involved TV personality Clayton Lush.

However, Boughen also faced a separate set of allegations concerning her actions at the now-defunct Para Hills Police Station between May and September 2006.

That charge — one count of fabricate, alter or conceal evidence — has been the subject of an Adelaide Magistrates Court suppression order since it was filed earlier this year.

Today, Boughen pleaded guilty to that offence and the court heard the abuse of public office and obstruction counts had been withdrawn by prosecutors as part of a plea bargain.

Upon application by The Advertiser, Judge Paul Rice revoked the suppression order — permitting publication of all matters concerning Boughen for the first time.

Boughen was today remanded on continuing bail to face sentencing submissions next month.

Original report here. (Via Australian police news)


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Saturday, November 08, 2014



Former BBC director sues Marks & Spencer after wrongful arrest for meat theft

Timothy Robinson, a writer, serves a writ at the High Court after security guards accuse him of stealing peppered steak and call police

A former BBC director and producer who was wrongly arrested while shopping and banned from all Marks & Spencer stores is suing the chain for damages of £100,000.

Timothy Robinson, 51, was handcuffed, taken to a police station and accused of stealing £60 of peppered steak and a barrel of pork in May.

He was released without charge, however, when police saw footage of a different person, about 15 years younger, stealing meat from the store, according to a High Court writ.

Mr Robinson, who has produced and directed history and arts programmes such as Digging for Britain and Timewatch, says he was falsely imprisoned for six hours and is seeking damages for this, as well as for defamation, emotional distress and mental suffering.

He is also asking for £5,000 as compensation for his partner’s mental suffering and wasted time as he tried to secure his release, plus reimbursement of all the money the couple have spent in their local Camden High Street store since 2001.

The company’s security guards have breached the store’s duties of trust, respect and good faith, he argues.

On the day in question, Mr Robinson was approached by guards at the North London store he shopped in daily and shown CCTV stills of himself, before police arrived to detain him.

Mr Robinson, who recently took voluntary redundancy from the BBC and now works as a writer, alleges that the guards refused to show him the footage of the actual thief.

The retailer is contesting Mr Robinson’s claim, but has joined Securitas Security Services, the firm that provided the guards, to the action. If M&S is found liable to Mr Robinson, Securitas should pay any damages awarded, the company argues.

It says security guards should have followed the ASCONE procedure when apprehending a suspect, which involves watching the person approach the display, select the merchandise and conceal it, then observing them and witnessing their non-payment and exit from the store.

The retailer admits that Mr Robinson was banned from its stores but says the notice was withdrawn on May 27 and has asked him to prove his allegation that its staff made harmful claims about him to other customers.

It denies liability for his alleged false imprisonment or the actions of the security guards and the Metropolitan Police.

The store says it is not liable to pay damages for defamation, or emotional distress, or to Mr Robinson’s partner either.

Mr Robinson, an Oxford University graduate whose partner is a lawyer, said he had found the whole experience "bewildering" and "intimidating." He said: "I thought that maybe I was going mad. I couldn’t understand how this situation could happen. It’s just so bizarre.

"Since it happened I have received no apology from Marks & Spencer and they haven’t admitted guilt. "If they had initially said sorry and offered me some form of compensation and said they were looking into their security measures, I probably would have left it. But they haven’t done anything and those security guards are still working there."

An M&S spokesman said: "As this matter is part of ongoing legal proceedings, it would be inappropriate for us to comment."

Original report here


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Friday, November 07, 2014



Police chief forced to apologise to family of father-of-two who died in a cell while officers watched porn when they should have been checking on him

And a known liar and fabricator of evidence keeps his job!

A police chief has been forced to issue a shameful apology to the family of a father-of-two who died in a cell while officers who should have been monitoring him watched porn.

Lloyd Butler, 39, was arrested on suspicion of being drunk and incapable on August 4 2010 - and died in custody three hours later after suffering a cardiac arrest.

An inquest held in June heard officers should have taken him to hospital for monitoring but instead brought him to Stechford Police Station in Birmingham and dumped him in a cell.

And rather than keeping a watch every 15 minutes on Mr Butler, officers from West Midlands Police viewed sex websites, and watched Sky Sports on police computers.

Shocking footage taken at the time showed a group of police officers laughing and swearing while Mr Butler died just feet away in a custody cell.

CCTV also showed officers earlier dragging him out of a police van by his legs causing his trousers to fall down.

The three members of staff involved were all allowed to keep their jobs despite being found guilty of misconduct.

Today Chris Sims, Chief Constable of West Midlands Police, issued a an apology to Mr Butler's mother Janet and said lessons had been learnt from the tragedy. At a Strategic Police and Crime Board meeting attended by Mrs Butler, he said: 'There is nothing more important than looking after people in our custody. 'I would like to extend my personal condolences to Lloyd Butler's mother.'

A damning Independent Police Complaints Commission (IPCC) report found staff had 'disregarded human decency' in their treatment of Mr Butler.

The chief constable told the meeting the force had since adopted 'six areas of learning' recommended in the IPCC report. These included constant observation of detainees, the availability of internet access in custody suites as well the inclusion of CPR masks.

Assistant Chief Constable Gareth Cann told the meeting that the last time a drunk and incapable person had been taken into custody was in August 2012. He added that there were now 'gateway checks' in place to ensure that drunk and incapable suspects are now taken to hospital instead.

He said 'a lot had changed' in custody since Mr Butler died, including structures of command, training of staff and both the numbers and quality of facilities.

In a narrative verdict at Birmingham Coroner's Court in June, a jury decided that Mr Butler, from Tile Cross, Birmingham, died from a cardiac arrest related to underlying alcohol problems.

They found that he should not have been in a cell after watching CCTV footage of officers failing to watch over their prisoner.

Birmingham coroner Louise Hunt said a 'change of culture' was needed in West Midlands Police and she submitted her report to the force to prevent future deaths.

Speaking after the inquest Mr Butler's distraught mother Janet, 64, blasted the officers - branding them 'an absolute disgrace.' She said 'They failed Lloyd, they failed him miserably.

'They failed Lloyd in their duty of care to him and I feel they assisted in his death. 'It's very clear from the evidence we've seen over the last week-and-a-half that police officers were not carrying out procedures. 'If those procedures had been carried out, my son would have been alive today. 'Their behaviour was an absolute disgrace.'

A misconduct hearing in January 2013 found two officers who dealt with Mr Butler guilty of misconduct, PC Dean Woodcock, who arrested Mr Butler, surfed the Internet and made personal calls rather than monitoring CCTV footage of Mr Butler's cell. He and a civilian employee, Detention Escort Officer Darren Wall, joked about Mr Butler's condition and made insulting remarks about him.

The officer was found guilty of misconduct and had to undergo further training and development. Mr Wall was also found guilty of misconduct and received a written warning and management advice.

Custody sergeant Mark Albutt faked records to make it appear officers were checking Mr Butler more often and more thoroughly than was the case. He was found guilty of gross misconduct and handed a final written warning. So a known liar can continue as a cop???


Original report here


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Thursday, November 06, 2014



Australia: Action recommended on murders of 3 young Aborigines

On an incredible day of bipartisanship and emotion, the NSW Parliament vowed to deliver justice to the families of three Aboriginal children murdered in the early 1990s. Amy McQuire reports.

Members of all sides of the NSW upper house shed tears today as they put politics behind them to table the findings of a long-awaited inquiry into the murders of three Aboriginal children on the NSW mid-north coast.

Colleen Craig Walker, 16, Evelyn Greenup, 4, and Clinton Speedy-Duroux, 16, were murdered on Bowraville mission within months of each other during 1990 and 1991.

Despite two trials and a coronial inquest, the only man accused of the crimes – a non-Indigenous man who hung around the mission at the time – has never been convicted due to a bungled original police investigation which was severely undermined by the racism that clung to the mission.

Today, the Legislative Council Standing Committee on Law and Justice handed down its report into the family response to the murders. The inquiry was announced last year following the NSW Attorney General Greg Smith’s decision not to refer "fresh and compelling" evidence in the case to the Court of Criminal Appeal.

The evidence, which could have been admitted under changes to the double jeopardy laws, a potential world-first, was refused by Mr Smith on the grounds that if it was referred to the Court of Criminal Appeal it would be unlikely to secure a conviction.

There were doubts that the evidence, whilst "compelling", might not have been "fresh".

The parliamentary inquiry was seen as the last avenue to get the man accused of these crimes before court.

Today, the NSW Parliament opened its doors to nearly 50 members of the families, which stretch from Bowraville to Sawtell to Tenterfield, who packed the public gallery of the Legislative Council.

The committee handed down 15 recommendations which were all unanimously supported, with two recommendations designed to remove the roadblocks that have prevented the accused man from being re-charged with the murders of the three children.

The inquiry called on the NSW government to review section 102 of the Crimes (Appeal and Review) Act 2001 to define the term ‘adduced’ or ‘admitted’ with "the merit of expressly broadening the scope of the provision to enable a retrial where a change in law renders evidence admissible at a later date".

The other recommendation was that the NSW government ensure an independent assessor consider any new application for a retrial submitted to the NSW Director of Public Prosecutions or Attorney General.

Chair of the inquiry, Liberal MLC David Clark was at times teary as his colleagues addressed the Legislative Council.

"A killer whose crimes represent evil at its very darkest is still free. Justice demands the killer of these three children, whose lives were brutally cut short before they ever really begun should be brought to account," he told the chamber.

"… we have found that the impact of the families and their community… arising from the last 23 years of dashed hopes and expectations has been one of absolute devastation.

"In simple terms, the key to this elusive justice being obtained is that the hearing of the evidence in all three murders be considered at the same time and in the same court.

"This will… lead directly to the one who is the perpetrator of these terrible crimes… this is the issue that goes to the heart and soul of what this inquiry is really about."

Greens MLC David Shoebridge’s voice broke as he addressed the chamber about Evelyn’s disappearance, and the police who didn’t take the family’s concerns seriously. Her family were questioned by police on whether she had gone walkabout.

"Can you imagine if a four-year-old girl from any other community had gone missing, there would be that dismissive response?"

Labor MLC Sarah Mitchell told the chamber she had been personally affected by the families’ testimony, and that it had been "life-changing".

Liberal MLC Catherine Cusack said every inquiry member had cried when hearing the families’ response to these murders.

All sides of parliament were unanimous in putting forward the recommendations, and there was a rare bipartisanship shown in the chamber, with several Liberal MLCs and Labor MLCs paying tribute to the role of Greens MLC David Shoebridge for pushing the inquiry.

They also paid tribute to the work of Detective inspector Gary Jubelin, who led the second investigation into the murders, Bowraville social worker Barry Toohey, Aboriginal academic Larissa Behrendt, and Clinton’s sister-in-law Leonie Duroux.

Many spoke of putting politics aside to pursue justice for these three children.

The government will now have to provide a response to the recommendations, which the families are hoping will be delivered at the next sitting of Parliament.

Original report here



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Wednesday, November 05, 2014



Mississippi Supreme Court: Compensation fund also covers time served on house arrest

The Mississippi Supreme Court has ruled the state's program that provides compensation to inmates wrongfully convicted of crimes covers not only time behind bars but also house arrest.

The 5-4 ruling Thursday reversed a decision entered by the Supreme Court in March that denied extra compensation to Frank Sanders Tipton for the two years he served under house arrest. The justices ruled then that Tipton was due $41,097 for the 300 days he was locked up.

The new ruling means Tipton would eligible for an additional $100,000. The attorney general's office had opposed the extra compensation.

"Imprisonment may occur in an actual prison, but it also can include a state of confinement, which can occur anywhere and vary widely in degree," Justice Jim Kitchens wrote Thursday for the court's majority. "Throughout our state history, if a person was confined within boundaries fixed by another party, that person has been considered to have been imprisoned."

Justice Josiah Dennis Coleman, in a dissent joined by three other justices, said state law does not provide compensation for any lesser form of confinement. Coleman said while house arrest is form of confinement, it not compensable under the law.

"Mississippi legislation and case law have made it clear that there are different levels of confinement, and compensation was meant for offenders, as the plain language of the statute states, who were incarcerated or, alternatively, imprisoned. With respect to the majority, I cannot read the statute to provide compensation for any lesser form of confinement," Coleman said.

Tipton was convicted in 2007 in Jackson County on extortion charges related to his offer to pay a woman's fines and court costs if she modeled nude for him. He was sentenced to one year in prison and two years' house arrest.

In 2010, the Mississippi Supreme Court threw out Tipton's conviction. The court's majority said prosecutors had to prove under the law that Tipton was an "employee of any contractor providing incarceration services," which Tipton was not. Tipton worked for a company that had contracted with the city of Gulfport to monitor misdemeanor offenders.

Tipton applied for and was found qualified for money from the state's wrongly convicted compensation fund. The attorney general's office oversees the fund. The fund pays out $50,000 a year to a maximum of $500,000.

Tipton sued in Jackson County Circuit Court when the state refused to pay him both the 300 days he was behind bars and the two years he was under house arrest.

Original report here


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Tuesday, November 04, 2014



Texas releases death row inmate Manuel Velez after wrongful conviction

Innocent man cleared of 2005 murder of one-year-old after review of evidence determines he could not have killed child. Multiple improprieties in the prosecution

A building worker from Texas, who was sentenced to death for a murder he did not commit, was released on Wednesday after spending nine years in prison, four of them on death row.

Manuel Velez, 49, emerged from Huntsville prison a free man at 11.32pm CT. He was arrested in 2005, and sentenced to death three years later, for killing a one-year-old who was partially in his care.

But over the years the conviction unravelled. Tests on the victim’s brain showed that Velez could not have caused the child’s head injuries. Further evidence revealed that the defendant, who is intellectually disabled, had suffered from woeful legal representation at trial, and that the prosecutor had acted improperly to sway the jury against him.

Brian Stull, a senior staff attorney with the American Civil Liberties Union who has represented Velez since 2009, said that "an innocent man went to death row because the entire system failed him. The defence counsel who are meant to defend him let him down, the prosecutor who is meant to secure justice committed misconduct, and even the judge made errors that were recognised on appeal."

The event that would put Velez on death row occurred on 31 October 2005. Two weeks earlier the construction worker had moved into the Brownsville home of his new girlfriend, Acela Moreno, then aged 25.

She had a boy, 11 months old, called Angel Moreno, and that Halloween the two adults were between them caring for the child. At a point in the afternoon Velez noticed that Angel was having breathing difficulties, and they called 911; the infant was rushed to hospital where he died two days later.

Initially, both Velez and the victim’s mother, Acela Moreno, were charged with capital murder. But before the trial began, the mother accepted a plea bargain with the state of Texas in which she pleaded guilty to a lesser charge of having injured her child by hitting him or slamming his head against a wall.

For that she was sentenced to 10 years in prison. She was released in 2010, and immediately deported to her home country, Mexico.

As part of the plea deal, Moreno agreed to testify against her boyfriend. Despite the fact that she had told police in a recorded interview at the time of her arrest that Velez had never struck Angel or mistreated him in any way, she did not say that to the jury. Instead, she told the court that her son’s physical problems had only started when Velez moved in to her home two week’s before the child’s death.

The state’s case against Velez was that Angel had died of a head trauma that had been inflicted on the child within the final two weeks of his life. The final fatal blow, caused by swinging or slamming the infant into a hard surface, occurred no more than a few hours before he was found unconscious, prosecutors told the jury.

But when lawyers with the private firms Carrington, Coleman, Sloman & Blumenthal, and Lewis, Roca, Rothgerber took up Velez’s case after he was put on death row, they were astonished by what they found. They discovered that expert opinion had been given in 2006 – fully two years before the trial – that destroyed the state’s case against him.

A neuropathologist had examined Angel’s body and recorded blood on the brain caused by a haematoma that was "well developed". Crucially, the brain injury was at least two weeks old and was almost certainly inflicted between 18 and 36 days before Angel died.

The timing was critical, as Velez was not in contact with Angel until he moved into the Moreno home on 14 October, 17 days before the boy died. In fact, within the 18- and 36-day period specified by the neuropathologist, Angel was some 1,000 miles away in Memphis, Tennessee, where he was on a building job.

This key detail went unnoticed by Velez’s original defence lawyers who made nothing of it at trial, even though it had been prominently incorporated into the official autopsy report on Angel Moreno. The neuropathologist who made the finding was similarly never called as a witness.

As the lawyers, working alongside the ACLU, delved further into the case they began to find other evidence relating to Angel’s mother, Acela. Members of her family testified that they had seen Moreno neglect and abuse her young son; her sister revealed that Moreno had admitted to her that she had bitten Angel on the face.

In her own videotaped interrogation by police – again fully available to defence lawyers at the time of the trial – Moreno had admitted that she had burned Angel with a cigarette. She also told detectives: "I may have burned Angel’s foot when I carried him, but only once." Another witness recalled seeing Acela fling her baby son five feet on to a couch when she grew incensed by his crying.

The Texas criminal court of appeals, that set aside Velez’s murder conviction last October and ordered a retrial, observed that "family members and neighbours testified that they witnessed the victim’s mother neglecting and abusing [Angel] and his siblings in the months and weeks before his death."

The team of defence lawyers also discovered other disturbing aspects about the case. When police officers interrogated Velez after his arrest in 2005 they did not record the interview on videotape, even though equipment was available in the police station. Instead, he was made to sign two separate statements that were written out in English, an odd requirement as Velez was a Spanish speaker with rudimentary English and was functionally illiterate.

Velez leaves prison with a criminal record. Despite the conclusive evidence that he was not in Brownsville at the time Angel received his head injuries, and despite the fact that the state of Texas has not disputed any of the facts in his appeal, the state continued to demand a retrial.

The ACLU advised him that he could not be guaranteed an acquittal, and that a further injustice was always possible. So Velez agreed to plead guilty to reckless injury to a child, leading to his release on time served.

"He wanted to fight for his innocence. But even more he wanted to see his children who are almost grown up, and his parents who are getting old," Stull said.

Velez will travel on Wednesday more than 400 miles from Huntsville back to Brownsville, where he will be reunited with his two sons, Jose Manuel, now 15, and Ismael, 11.

Original report here


(And don't forget your ration of Wicked Thoughts for today. Now hosted on Wordpress. If you cannot access it, go to the MIRROR SITE, where posts appear as well as on the primary site. I have reposted the archives (past posts) for Wicked Thoughts HERE or HERE or here

Monday, November 03, 2014



A Wrongful Conviction Robbed William Lopez of His Freedom, and Then His Life

On a snowy evening in late March, just over a year after walking out of prison, where he had spent 23 years for a crime he didn’t commit, William Lopez entered a CVS in the Bronx and did something inexplicable. After paying for a prescription at the pharmacy counter, he paused to grab some other things—two sticks of Old Spice deodorant and some allergy medicine. Then, without paying, and in full view of a security guard, he walked out. Police were called and Lopez was arrested.

Lopez told his lawyer he had been preoccupied and took the items by accident. This actually made sense; navigating his new-found freedom posed a daily challenge for the 55-year-old Lopez, and he was often distracted. "His mind was not all there," his lawyer recalls. "He was anxious about a lot of things." But Jeff Deskovic, Lopez’s closest friend, heard a different explanation, one that disturbed him. To him, Lopez confessed, "he committed a petty theft to get reincarcerated."

Deskovic was stunned. Just a few weeks earlier, The New York Times had published a long profile featuring both of them, showing Lopez moving on with his life—singing karaoke and bonding with other former New York inmates who had been released after wrongful convictions. "It’s kind of like we get together for treatment or something," he told the Times, "like we have the same disease." If casting himself as sick might have been a signal that Lopez was struggling more, not less, as time passed, no one read it that way. No one could have guessed he would sabotage his freedom by shoplifting thirty dollars’ worth of stuff.

Lopez was "in a dark place," Deskovic says. And to a certain degree, he understood. Himself exonerated in 2006 after spending 16 years in prison for a rape and murder he did not commit, Deskovic had fought his own demons after being released. But not only did he survive, in 2012 he founded the Jeffrey Deskovic Foundation for Justice, with the mission of finding and freeing others like himself. Lopez was the organization’s first success story—Deskovic proudly walked him out of Brooklyn Supreme Court in January 2013. Then, he refused to leave his side. Deskovic knew too well how hard it is to emerge from prison to, as he puts it, "a world that you don’t belong to." He wanted his foundation to ensure that new exonerees did not struggle as much as he had. So Deskovic tried to provide Lopez with all the things the state had not: a temporary apartment, some money to get by, and guidance on everything from cell phones to the subway. In the process, the two became fast friends. "I saw a lot of myself in him," Deskovic says, "even though he was a lot older than me."

Lopez had no desire to go back to prison—quite the opposite. But he had become convinced that it was inevitable.

On the day he walked into that CVS, Deskovic says, Lopez had no desire to go back to prison — quite the opposite. But he had become convinced that it was inevitable and wanted to control how it happened. Lopez was convicted in 1990 of shooting and killing a drug dealer in Brighton Beach, Brooklyn, despite a complete lack of credible evidence. The federal judge who released him called his case "rotten from day one," lambasting prosecutors as "overzealous and deceitful," and urged the state to apologize. Yet Lopez’s ordeal was far from over. Veteran Brooklyn District Attorney Charles Hynes refused to drop the charges against Lopez, instead filing an appeal to reinstate his conviction. Never mind that "the prosecution’s evidence was flimsy to begin with," as U.S. District Judge Nicholas Garaufis wrote, "and has since been reduced to rubble by facts arising after trial." Hynes wanted to send Lopez back to prison anyway.

So, even as Lopez celebrated his first year of freedom over lasagna and wine this past January, the fear of prison haunted him. As court dates in the appeal approached, "it started to play a larger and larger role in his mind," Deskovic says, "to the point where he was mentally preparing himself to be reincarcerated." Lopez’s arrest at CVS came just over a week before oral arguments were scheduled to start.

"There was an element of me that was angry at him," Deskovic recalls. But he knew Lopez was driven by fear. Both men had seen people sent back to prison because prosecutors did not want to admit to a wrongful conviction. For Lopez, the dread was too much to handle. "He said, look, Jeff, If I’m gonna go back, why wait? Let me get used to it." His original sentence had been 25-years-to life; he thought he would have a shot at getting out on parole. However irrational it seemed, for Lopez, it felt like a way to control his own destiny.

Lopez never went back to prison. His misdemeanor charge was reduced to a violation. Days later, just one week before oral arguments were set to begin, Brooklyn’s new district attorney, Kenneth Thompson, who had defeated Charles Hynes in a major electoral upset the previous fall, finally dropped the murder charges against Lopez. Pursuing his predecessor’s appeal, Thompson said, would be "contrary to the interest of justice."

Lopez could finally exhale. He spent the spring and summer enjoying life, much of the time with Deskovic. They traveled to Portland, Oregon for the annual Innocence Network conference. They went to a Mets game. They goofed around at Rye Playland, an amusement park in Westchester County. ("Sharing another first with him!" Deskovic wrote on Facebook, under a photo of the pair at a mini golf course.) His relationship with his wife of nineteen years, Alice, whom he married in prison, seemed to improve, too. Lopez had symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder and Alice had struggled to cope. But, after the charges were dropped, "they kind of hit their stride," Deskovic recalls. In July, Lopez posted a selfie, along with a photo of himself going kayaking. "Hello everyone," he wrote. "These photos were taken less than a week ago under the wonderful blue skies."

So it came as a shock when, less than two months later, Deskovic got a call from Alice at 3 o’clock in the morning. Lopez had suffered a massive, deadly asthma attack in the middle of the night. By the time Deskovic rushed to the hospital, his friend was already gone.

Jeff Deskovic and William Lopez sing at Karaoke Cave in downtown Manhattan in January.

In March 2013, two months after William Lopez first walked out of Brooklyn Supreme Court, 58-year-old David Ranta left the same courthouse in a daze. He, too, had spent 23 years in prison, after being convicted on false evidence presented by a dirty NYPD detective for a crime he did not commit. "I’m overwhelmed," he told reporters. "Right now, I feel like I’m under water, swimming."

Less than two days later, he had a heart attack.

Unlike Lopez, Ranta recovered after surgery. Although he had no history of heart problems, his lawyer told reporters, "The accumulated trauma of being falsely convicted and incarcerated for 23 years, coupled with the intense emotions experienced surrounding his release, has had a profound impact on his health."

Subsequent reports described Ranta "in good spirits." But his hospitalization threw cold water on the feel-good media moment—it was a sudden, sobering glimpse at the real toll of a wrongful conviction. In an unusually rapid settlement, last February the City of New York agreed to pay Ranta $6.4 million in compensation. But there is no sum of money that will recover the health he sacrificed during the many years Hynes’ office kept him in prison despite evidence of his innocence. For him—and for the eleven New Yorkers exonerated since Kenneth Thompson took office—the mental and physical cost is impossible to measure.

Lopez suffered from asthma from the time he was a boy; perhaps it would have taken his life even if he had never gone to prison. But it’s not likely. Even without the trauma of a wrongful conviction, prison is like a debilitating illness; it literally speeds up the aging process. Both Lopez and Ranta were released in their 50s—hardly geriatric in the outside world, yet considered "elderly" by the New York State Department of Correction. A report funded by the Edgar and Margaret Sandman Fellowship in Aging and Health Law & Policy estimated that, physiologically, a 55-year-old person behind bars is equivalent to someone more than ten years older on the outside. Fifteen states classify prisoners aged 50 and older as elderly.

Prison is like a debilitating illness; it literally speeds up the aging process.

Those who go in with existing medical problems are especially worse off. Asthma, which is common, is aggravated by poor ventilation, toxic chemicals, and other environmental factors that make "prison air" harder to breathe. So it came as a surprise to hear from Alice Lopez that her husband’s asthma never posed a big problem in prison. "In all the years I went to visit him, he didn’t have an attack," she says. While his medical care was always inadequate—"his teeth were rotten, because they didn’t take care of his teeth"—it was only when he got out that he started having problems breathing. "He couldn’t walk a block without losing his breath," she recalled. Everywhere he went, he took a portable nebulizer. "If he left home without it, he was frantic."

"The impact of being wrongly incarcerated does not show up when you’re in prison," Deskovic explains. Much of the trauma manifests itself later, making it harder to find a home, get a job, or sustain relationships. "Psychological research of the wrongfully convicted shows that their years of imprisonment are profoundly scarring," the Innocence Project reported in a 2009 study examining inadequate compensation for exonerees nationwide. At least 20 states provide no compensation for people who are wrongfully convicted. New York does, but on a case by case basis, and according to an amount determined in civil court. But as the Innocence Project notes, "After years of fighting to prove their innocence, exonerees need a safety net, not another long legal battle." Counseling and medical care are among the most immediate services exonerees desperately need.

In the wake of his death, newspapers reported that Lopez died just days before his $124 million federal civil suit against the city was supposed to go to trial. That would have been cruel irony if it were accurate. "That Monday we were having our first conference with the judge for some preliminary matters," his lawyer said. Like most exoneree lawsuits, Lopez’s would have taken a couple of years at least. What’s more, his lawyer added, the lawsuit is partly based on "a practice and pattern in the DA’s office to suppress evidence," which meant the city was likely to put up a fight.

To Deskovic, this reality is far more cruel than what the headlines claimed. Had Lopez become financially stable more quickly, maybe he would have been less burdened. Maybe he would still be alive. "Why does it need to be this long drawn out process? It doesn’t seem fair or just to me," he says. "It typically takes less than a year to wrongfully convict people. Why does it take so much longer to compensate them? Is it because the defendant in one case is a regular person and in the other defendant is the state?"

Lopez’s lawsuit will move forward, with any money going to his wife and daughter, Crystal, who was just a baby when her father was arrested. The sum will almost certainly be a tiny fraction of the $124 million.

Alice Lopez was distraught when I spoke to her on the phone, grief-stricken one moment and furious the next. "I bet you it was the stress," she said about her husband’s sudden death. "I lived with it every day." For almost her entire marriage, Alice had watched as Charles Hynes blocked attempts to revisit her husband’s case. Then he was finally freed, only to live every day in fear. Sometimes Lopez would wake up with nightmares. "He was worried that he was gonna go back to prison," she said. "And the asthma was getting worse."

"Once they dropped the charges, he relaxed a bit," she added. "But at that point, his asthma was really bad."

Alice Lopez holds Hynes "tremendously responsible" for what happened to her husband. "The state did this," she said, through angry sobs. "The state did this to him. And they’re gonna pay."

The wake for William Lopez was held on September 24, at the Ortiz Funeral Home in the Bronx. Among the guests were Nicholas Garaufis, the judge who released him, and his wife. Friends who knew Lopez in prison as "Willie" also came, as well as fellow exonerees from New York. "They talked about how short his freedom had been and how unfair it was," says Deskovic. "And how despite it all, Bill persevered."

Deskovic, too, plans to persevere, continuing to focus on his work. "It’s what Bill would have wanted," he says. In a particular sense, Lopez’s death is especially cruel for him.

I met Deskovic in 2006, soon after he was first released from prison, and got to know him through activist work, and some journalism projects. He could be awkward, sometimes difficult, and at times his loneliness and vulnerability were palpable. An in-depth 2007 profile in the New York Times described him as "a lost man." This made his accomplishments over the years all the more impressive—from speaking engagements to a master’s degree from John Jay College of Criminal Justice, to, eventually, his own foundation. Yet, in a sense, it was his friendship with Lopez that was the most heartening to see.

I caught a glimpse of it up close in March of last year, seven weeks after Lopez was released. We met at Deskovic’s office on Manhattan’s Upper West Side. Lopez wore a suit and tie and was soft-spoken, with a raspy Bronx accent and the slight intensity of a man who has recently left prison after a long time. He and Deskovic took turns telling his story.

Lopez and Deskovic went to prison the same year. While they never crossed paths, Lopez eventually worked in the law library, which gave him access to law journals and newspapers, so he was able to keep up with the exonerations throughout the state. Deskovic stood out to him. He was impressed with his activism and his columns about criminal justice reform in the Westchester Guardian. When Deskovic used a portion of his $8.3 million false imprisonment settlement to start his foundation, "that’s when I knew he was in it for the long haul," Lopez said. He called the office.

Soon they were talking every week. Deskovic immediately recognized Lopez’s case as having the classic hallmarks of a wrongful conviction: a dearth of physical evidence, a prosecutor who withheld exculpatory evidence, hapless defense attorneys, a hostile judge. Especially alarming was the fact that the trial had turned on the testimony of two eyewitnesses, one of whom had described the killer to police as a dark, black man taller than 6’3. (Lopez was short, with a lighter complexion). The other had been on a two-day crack binge at the time of the crime. Later she would tell a cellmate at Rikers Island that Lopez was not really the killer, according to the cellmate, who sent a letter describing the recantation to Lopez’s lawyers. The letter arrived after trial but before sentencing, yet his lawyers did nothing with it at the time.

Deskovic’s team eventually uncovered more evidence of Lopez’s innocence. Most significantly, they tracked down another witness to the crime, who had been since deported to the Dominican Republic. Via video feed, he testified at a hearing that he was "certain" Lopez was not the man he saw, describing the real killer as having dark black skin.

"I knew what it was not to have anything. I knew what it was to be lonely."

Lopez’s exoneration was a major victory for the fledgling foundation. But in a sense, the real work started afterwards. "I knew what it was not to have anything," Deskovic says. "I knew what it was to be lonely." He took him out, introduced him to people, brought him over for meals at his house. When he went to prison, Lopez explained, he lost touch with a lot of old people, especially those who seemed to believe he might be guilty. "So your circle becomes extremely small."

"But now I have Jeff," he added. "And Jeff’s become my best friend."

Deskovic came to rely on Lopez, too. He had never made friends easily. "I don’t always relate to everyone," he says. "I enjoyed talking to him. I enjoyed spending time with him." Even before losing his formative years to prison, he was always a bit socially challenged. It was one of the reasons he had become a suspect in his own case. After his high school classmate was raped and murdered in 1989, Deskovic "cried copiously" at her funeral, The New York Times reported, "though they were not close friends." This aroused suspicion—even though his DNA did not match semen taken from her body, police became so convinced he was guilty, they coerced him into a false confession. Later, Deskovic would explain that his classmate’s death had upset him so much because she was one of the few kids in school who had not treated him unkindly.

On the day Lopez was released from prison, Deskovic took him shopping at Macy’s to buy clothes for the outside. It’s one of Deskovic’s favorite stories. That day in the office, they told the story together.

"He bought me my first set of clothes," Lopez said.

"What was that like, by the way?" Jeff interjected.

"That was—to this moment I’m still trying to figure it out," Lopez said. "That feeling, it was so huge." Lopez walked out of Macy’s in a brand new outfit: "I wound up leaving my old duds in a trash can," he confessed.

"Did you feel like a new man?" Deskovic asked, eagerly. "Did it feel different?"

"I was able to walk out a new man, with dungarees," Lopez said, as Deskovic laughed. "And colors! Colors, of course. Colors that I could never have, clothing I could never have."

In prison, certain colored clothing is contraband. "It can have the most small amount," he explained. But that day, he said, gesturing proudly, "I had blue jeans on, I had sneakers that had colors—all that. And it was great. To this moment, you know, I’m still excited about that."

Deskovic recently brought up the visit to Macy’s again. He remembered how Lopez seemed to transform with every piece of drab prison clothing he replaced with something new. "You could see his face was changing," he said.

"He ended up with a really, really big smile."

Original report here


(And don't forget your ration of Wicked Thoughts for today. Now hosted on Wordpress. If you cannot access it, go to the MIRROR SITE, where posts appear as well as on the primary site. I have reposted the archives (past posts) for Wicked Thoughts HERE or HERE or here

Sunday, November 02, 2014



British mother jailed for child cruelty after rejecting NHS care to seek treatment at foreign clinic for teenager's hormone therapy

When British mother Mary Kidson took her seriously ill daughter to a world-renowned doctor in Belgium in the hope of finding a cure, she could never have imagined the extraordinary events that were to follow.

When she returned to the UK, Ms Kidson, an expert in the field of special educational needs, was astounded to find herself imprisoned and prosecuted – accused of trying to poison her daughter.

Then, to her horror, the child was taken from her and was subsequently placed in psychiatric care.

Now Ms Kidson is free again, following the collapse of the case against her at Worcester Crown Court last week, and is relieved to have her name cleared.

But, speaking for the first time about her ordeal, the 55-year-old says she is furious that charges were brought in the first place, and devastated she has yet to be reunited with her 16-year-old daughter.

In particular she blames the NHS for operating rigid rules about treatment that allowed the prosecution to take place – but also her former husband, Michael Guilding, who she believes needlessly reported her to the police.

‘It’s unbelievable what I’ve been through,’ she says of a case that has echoes of Ashya King, whose parents fled abroad to seek proton treatment for his cancer and ended up in prison in Spain.

‘I am very angry and fed up as I was completely misrepresented prior to my acquittal. ‘I am just so relieved. This case came about because I am a caring mother and was only acting in my daughter’s interest. I’m now looking forward to being reunited with her.

‘All of the allegations against me were wrong. I know my ex-husband was behind it all. I’m in no doubt. He was very upset about our divorce, which he didn’t want, and unhappy that the children went with me. The prosecuting team were very careful to keep him out of it during the court hearing.

‘I have been through a huge ordeal. As things become clear I will make decisions about whether I am going to sue anyone. ‘I tried to make the best of it in prison, and I was treated well, but my life will never be the same again. ‘I hope I will become a stronger person as a result of what I’ve been put through.

‘When I was told I was free this week, well, it’s indescribable what I felt. I was elated, relieved, and very, very thankful that justice has at last been done.’

Ms Kidson’s barrister, Ken Hind, says that her complaints against her husband were part of her evidence, but were never heard in court as the case against her collapsed.

During the court case Ms Kidson, from Ledbury in Herefordshire, was accused of dosing her daughter with unnecessary medicines and of ‘doctor shopping’.

This, it was alleged, involved touring hospitals and clinics in Britain and then abroad, until she received a diagnosis for her daughter – hormone deficiency – that she found acceptable, but which the NHS did not recognise.

In 2012, desperate for help, she travelled with her daughter, who cannot be named for legal reasons, to the Brussels clinic of Dr Thierry Hertoghe, a Belgian physician and expert in hormone therapy.

She believes that, as a result of the deficiency, the girl was suffering from chronic fatigue syndrome that had left her virtually bed-ridden.

The prosecution claimed that once under Dr Hertoghe’s supervision, Ms Kidson administered toxic levels of three hormones in a five-month period. But according to the Belgian doctor, the girl’s ailments improved.

Taking up the story, Ms Kidson’s sister, Ruth Stobbs, says: ‘Mary thought that Dr Hertoghe was absolutely fantastic. ‘He measured my niece’s thyroid, oestrogen, growth hormone and cortisol and found her to be deficient in all of these, so he prescribed medication to correct the deficiencies.’

But, it seems, when Ms Kidson’s ex-husband found out about the treatment, he contacted police, two months later. In March 2013, police arrived at Ms Kidson’s home with social services and arrested her.

Ms Stobbs continues: ‘I took a phone call at work from Mary who said simply, "I’ve been arrested." ‘At first I thought it was some sort of joke. There was silence down the line. "Seriously. I’ve been arrested. For child cruelty", Mary said.’ After 24 hours in custody, Ms Kidson was released on bail.

Ms Stobbs adds: ‘The judge also ordered that my niece go back to school. She had been home-educated from age ten. Suddenly facing a return to school, without her mother around to support her, was too much for her. She hated it.’ The judge also ordered her to live with her father, and she ran away twice.

One afternoon early this year, she locked herself in her father’s bathroom and in a highly emotional state she sent a text to her mother. Mary, who was worried her daughter was going to harm herself, texted back, which breached her bail. Michael phoned the police and Mary was arrested again and taken into custody, and then to Eastwood Park prison near Bristol.

‘Her ex-husband told police and social services that Mary would try to take their daughter out of the country, and we think this is why they have acted as they have,’ says Ms Stobbs. ‘Mary is a responsible person and she would never, ever have done that.’

Ms Kidson has been apart from her daughter since March 2013. In January this year she was charged under the 1861 Offences Against The Person Act with poisoning her daughter with thyroid extract, oestrogen and hydrocortisone. She was then allowed only two hours supervised contact each fortnight.

Her daughter became so distressed that she suffered a breakdown after the pair were separated, and was detained in hospital under the Mental Health Act. ‘My daughter is on other medicine now but she does appear to be fit and well, which is great,’ Ms Kidson says. ‘She is on the verge of discharge but I still don’t know when I can see her.

‘I’m very angry with the way the Crown Prosecution Service, social services and the police all dealt with this. They formed an opinion of me without even meeting me.

‘The whole case raises the question of a parent’s right to find treatment outside the NHS for their child. Adults have total freedom to go wherever we want in the world for our health care but if you’re a child it seems only the NHS can treat you.’

Supporting Ms Kidson, Dr Hertoghe says that her trial ‘should never have taken place’ and called for widespread NHS reform to allow parents greater choice over their child’s care.

‘Two lives have been broken,’ he says. ‘The whole system needs reform. We have to give people the right to choose their doctor without fear of prosecution.’

Original report here


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Saturday, November 01, 2014



Illinois releases prisoner, bringing wrongful conviction full circle

A celebrated Illinois wrongful conviction case went full circle on Thursday when authorities freed a man sentenced for a 1982 double murder and said they believe another man exonerated 15 years ago is probably the murderer after all.

Prisoner Alstory Simon, who in 1999 confessed to shooting and killing teenagers Marilyn Green and Jerry Hillard on Chicago's South Side, was released from the Jacksonville Correctional Center in Central Illinois.

Simon's confession 15 years ago led to the release and pardon of former death row inmate Anthony Porter, who was originally convicted as the murderer. Porter's freedom was an important victory for innocence projects that work to overturn wrongful convictions. The Porter case and others eventually spurred Illinois to abolish the death penalty.

After he confessed, Simon, now 64, pleaded guilty in 1999 and was sentenced to 37 years, of which he served 15.

But prosecutors reversed course again and said on Thursday a former journalism professor at Northwestern University, students at the university's Medill Justice Project and a private investigator coerced Simon into making a video taped confession, threatened him with the death penalty, pretended to have a witness to him committing the crime and promised him lucrative book deals.

"We're talking about the antics of a rogue investigator and a professor who went to all lengths," Cook County State's Attorney Anita Alvarez told a news conference.

Alvarez said Porter cannot be retried because of double jeopardy, but she said: "There are compelling facts, eyewitnesses there at the scene who maintain to today that it was Anthony Porter who did the shooting."

Alvarez said the reinvestigation was the toughest her office has done, because some witnesses have changed their testimony multiple times over three decades.

She said that in the years that have passed since Simon made his videotaped confession, prosecutors have learned to be much more skeptical of that sort of evidence.

Alvarez said the Conviction Integrity Unit she created two years ago would continue to re-investigate cases of alleged wrongful conviction. The unit has so far vacated 10 convictions.

Alvarez strongly criticized former Northwestern University Professor David Protess and private investigator Paul Ciolino.

In a statement, Ciolino said he believes Porter was innocent and noted that Simon confessed to lawyers and reporters as well as to him. "But for the work we did together with Nothwestern and the students, Porter's life would have been taken," he said.

The Medill Justice Project and Protess, who now works for the Chicago Innocence Project, did not immediately respond to telephone messages seeking comment.

Original report here



(And don't forget your ration of Wicked Thoughts for today. Now hosted on Wordpress. If you cannot access it, go to the MIRROR SITE, where posts appear as well as on the primary site. I have reposted the archives (past posts) for Wicked Thoughts HERE or HERE or here

Friday, October 31, 2014



Drunk British cop who kicked his girlfriend in the stomach in a rage after HE left £30 in a cash point avoids jail

A former firearms police officer who kicked his girlfriend in the stomach after he flew into a drunken rage because he had accidentally left £30 in a cash point has been spared prison.

James Vosper, who has 16 years' experience as a police officer, had drunk a bottle and a half of wine before his girlfriend Melissa Mustoe, a mother of two, arrived home.

His attack was recorded after Miss Mustoe, 37, called police when she managed to lock Vosper out of their home in Abbeywood. After he kicked her in the stomach Miss Mustoe remained on the phone for 40 minutes and seemed breathless and scared.

The court heard Vosper has recently resigned from his role at Gloucestershire Constabulary before he was 'pushed'.

Vosper, a father of two, had previously been diagnosed with post traumatic stress disorder following an incident at work and as a result had started drinking heavily. He had been drinking on the night of the attack on December 11. He had texted Miss Mustoe to say that 'everything has gone to rat s***' after he realised he had made a mistake at the cash point.

When police arrived he tried to claim he had been the victim of assault and acted in self defence.

But magistrates dismissed his argument and found him guilty of assault after a two-day trial.

However they decided his guilty conviction did not include an accusation he throttled his partner during the incident, which he had been accused of during the trial.

Speaking during the trial, prosecutor Ian Jackson, said: '[He] kicked her in the stomach while she was on the phone to police. 'During the course of the 999 call you can hear part of the alleged attack taking place. You can hear her reaction. 'Very shortly in, about four or five minutes you can hear her explain she has just been kicked in the stomach by Mr Vosper.

'Throughout the call she sounds breathless, exasperated and scared. To have waited on the phone for 40 to 45 minutes she must have genuinely been fearful.'

The officer was given an 18 month community order. The couple had been together for five years after both their marriages failed.

Alexander West, defending Vosper, said: 'He has been forced to resign from his role as a police officer. He has lost his job of 16 years as a result of his actions.

'It's a somewhat forced resignation in that it was a jump before being pushed. 'A serving police officer can not be seen having a conviction for domestic violence assault on his record. He simply resigned before being forced.'

Bristol Magistrates' Court heard that Vosper is currently working his four-week notice period and will retain his pension - but it will be frozen until he is 60.

Mr West, defending, added his client had no previous convictions and the assault was 'largely contributed' to by alcohol - a problem Vosper was now addressing. 'He has submitted to regular testing', he said.

'They have found towards the end of the programme his alcohol use had dramatically reduced to the point that he was no longer considered a habitual user.'

Patricia Jell sentenced him to an 18-month community order, with 18-months supervision, and a requirement to complete the 'Building Better Relationships' course. He was also ordered to pay £930 costs, an £85 fine and a £60 victim surcharge.

Original report here


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Thursday, October 30, 2014



Man Calls a Suicide Prevention Hotline, SWAT Team Shows Up and Kills Him

A Roy, Utah man, Jose Calzada, 35, placed a call to a suicide prevention hotline at 4:00 a.m. Tuesday morning and threatened to kill himself, seven hour later he was shot and killed by police, according to law enforcement.

According to ABC 4, neighbors described Calzada as a quiet, friendly man, who was divorced and now lived in the home with his girlfriend and her children.

The first tragic mistake in this case was made when the Weber County Consolidated Dispatch Center sent officers to the residence rather than some type of crisis response team trained to deal with suicidal individuals.

From previous cases, such as that of Jason Turk, who was shot twice in the face after a suicide call to 9-1-1 by his wife, or that of Christian Alberto Sierra, who was suffering from depression and had attempted suicide when police showed up and shot him four times, killing him, most know all too well what happens when you send officers to "assist" people threatening suicide.

Subsequently, a SWAT team came to the residence and "negotiated" with Calzada for more than seven hours before taking his life.

"At some point those negotiations failed and unfortunately the SWAT team was involved in a shooting, and the subject is now deceased," said Roy PD spokesman Matt Gwynn.

Eyewitness Ron Smith told the Standard-Examiner that he heard "one shot, and then a pause, and then four or five shots after that, that were very rapid."

Specifics of the case were not released but Gwynn was sure to explain the cop logic of reasonableness stating, "Officers are authorized to stop a threat whenever their life is threatened, or the life of another is threatened. And at that point if the officer feels he is justified, he may act to stop that threat."

"This is being treated as a officer assisted suicide or suicide by cops," Gwynn said.

While that could potentially be the case, this is usually the default position of law enforcement when unprepared officers show up to deal with individuals experiencing severe mental health issues.

Often police go into these situations with an ingrained mentality of looking at citizens as threats to the safety of the officers and thus feel empowered and justified to use lethal force as the suicidal person has already threatened to kill someone, themselves.

Gwynn went on to state, "We encourage those having suicidal thoughts or tendencies to contact a physician or expert that can talk them through it. In this particular case he attempted to do that — it’s unfortunate and sad that it failed."

Sadly, Gwynn’s words ring hollow as Calzada did exactly as Gwynn suggests and ended up paying the ultimate price as is far too often the case in these situations.

Original report here

 

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Wednesday, October 29, 2014



Police Officer Sued for Pointing Gun at Teen’s Head for a Seatbelt Violation


Merritt

My guess is that the cop was scared

The family of a Georgia teenager is suing the Waycross, Ga., Police Department for $12.5 million after a police officer allegedly pointed a gun to their son’s head and handcuffed him on the ground —all for a seatbelt violation.

The incident occurred on Jan. 18 when high school senior Montre’ Merritt was returning home and pulling into his driveway. Officer Cory Gay had been following Merritt for several blocks, but turned on his flashing lights when they neared Merritt’s house.

Instead of conducting a normal stop, however, Gay approached the vehicle, pointed a gun to Merritt’s head and forced him to lie on the ground. Despite Merritt’s insistence that he had done nothing wrong, Gay called for backup and handcuffed the teenager —while his mother watched in horror.

When backup arrived, Gay released Merritt and cited him for a seatbelt violation. No explanation was given to Merritt or his mother about why such force was used.

Merritt recalled the emotional shock he experienced from the encounter:

"Coming from me being a huge role model in my community, to see my mom witness that. That was one of the most painful things I could ever imagine for her. The pain that I still feel. The tears that I still cry. Everything is just real in reality. I have to wake up with this on my heart and on my mind every day, and it hurts."

As a result of this incident, Gay was suspended without pay for five days after the Waycross police chief determined the use of force was unjustified. Gay was subsequently required to attend use-of-force training.

But the Merritt family asserts the extra training is not enough.

Their lawsuit claims Gay falsely arrested Merritt, intentionally inflicted emotional distress on him, assaulted him and deprived him of his civil rights. Additionally, the lawsuit claims the city of Waycross and the Waycross Police Department were negligent for not properly training Gay.

They also claim the incident was racially motivated.

"What we have to do is target those wrong police officers and those wrong police departments that will harbor and maintain practices that take the lives and take the rights of citizens," said Reginald Greene, the family’s attorney.

The allegations about Gay’s behavior, if true, raise some troubling questions. What possible purpose was served by ordering Merritt to lie on the ground while pointing a gun to his head? There is no indication Merritt was behaving in a threatening manner. The Waycross Police Department took the right steps by recognizing that this was over the top and disciplined the officer.

Stories like this bring to mind other instances of inappropriate police overreaction:

In Piedmont, Okla., a local police officer issued a $2,500 citation to a mother whose 3-year-old was urinating in their own front yard. Instead of simply ignoring a toddler who was still being potty trained, the officer wrote the ticket anyway.

In Summerville, S.C., the local police arrested a 16-year-old boy for jokingly stating in a creative writing assignment "I killed my neighbor’s pet dinosaur." As a result of the arrest, the teenager was suspended from school for the rest of week.

In North Augusta, S.C. the police arrested and charged a young mother with disorderly conduct for using profanity while shopping for groceries—even though she had a First Amendment right to speak her mind.

In this case, whether Gay’s decision to point a gun at Merritt was based upon racial prejudice or was simply the result of a lack of training, it is undisputed that a serious error took place, largely due to poor judgment by the officer.

Warren E. Burger, former chief justice of the United States, wisely once remarked, "The policeman on the beat or in the patrol car makes more decisions and exercises broader discretion affecting the daily lives of people every day and to a greater extent, in many respects, than a judge will ordinarily exercise in a week."

It is this authority which requires equal amounts of training and judgment for the public to truly have faith in their officials. Powerful discretion over the lives of average citizens should be exercised with wisdom. Not every situation calls for the use of force, and not every confrontation deserves to be escalated into a criminal arrest.

If police officers wish to uphold their oath to "protect and serve" then serious examination is required of the policies and procedures that lead to incidents like this.

 
Original report here



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Tuesday, October 28, 2014



Sweeping police reform CAN cut crime

How Cops Are Beating Crime in America’s Poorest City. Is Camden, New Jersey, a "surveillance city" or a triumph of 21st century policing?

It's been called "surveillance city," "a police state," and "a proving ground for futuristic crowd-control technology."

Camden, New Jersey., considered the poorest and most dangerous city in America, is getting a reputation for being the epicenter of Big Brother-style law enforcement. A VICE story that aired recently on HBO and a piece in Rolling Stone by Matt Taibbi—which depicted Camden as an apocalyptic "dopescape of barred row homes and deserted factories"—drove home this point.

The city's streets are monitored by 121 cameras and 35 microphones, which feed data to a new $4.5 million Real Time Tactical Operations Intelligence Center. The police department runs a mobile "Sky Patrol," which is a platform that extends 40 feet into the air, providing a bird's eye view of the city for a bevy of camera feeds.

Camden's tilt towards surveillance is somewhat disconcerting, but overall the stories told by VICE and Taibbi—who wrongly declared that there's "no hope" in Camden—miss what's laudable about the city's new approach to policing. A year and a half ago, Camden was liberated from an outrageous police union contract that let cops get away with working bankers hours and desk jobs—when they bothered to show up for work in the first place. Now, thanks to the dissolution of the union contract and other reforms, Camden cops are actually doing the job of policing this crime-ridden town. And they're making headway.

Breaking the Union

Camden's old city-run police force abused its power and abrogated its duties. It took Camden cops one hour on average to respond to 911 calls, or more than six times the national average. They didn't show up for work 30 percent of the time, and an inordinate number of Camden police were working desk jobs. A union contract required the city to entice officers with extra pay to get them to accept crime-fighting shifts outside regular business hours. Last year, the city paid $3.5 million in damages to 88 citizens who saw their convictions overturned because of planted evidence, fabricated reports, and other forms of police misconduct.

In 2012, the murder rate in Camden was about five times that of neighboring Philadelphia—and about 18 times the murder rate in New York City.

Then in 2013 the city dissolved the 141-year-old department and replaced it with a new county-run force (known as "Metro") that was redesigned from the ground up—or every "police chief's dream," says Jose Cordero, 58, the highly regarded law enforcement expert and Bronx native who was brought in to configure the new agency. Cordero is best known for overseeing a 70 percent violent crime drop in East Orange (another impoverished Garden State town) when he was the city's police director there from 2004 to 2007, a period in which the city's poverty rate barely shifted.

A year and a half after Camden tapped Cordero, crime is down. So far in 2014, Camden has had half as many homicides as it did in 2012, which was the city-run force's last full year of operation (albeit a record high year for murders).A Metro cop on foot patrol. ||| Jim EpsteinJim Epstein

And residents are buzzing about how the city feels different. "I hear less gun activity, and I feel that it's less likely that I'll be the victim of a violent crime," says Pastor Tim Merrill, 56, a lifelong resident of the city who runs a youth leadership program and is the president of the Concerned Black Clergy of Camden. "It's drastically different in a positive way," says Lorsely Boogaard, 56, who has resided in Camden for 18 years.

When the city disbanded its police force, the union contract was invalidated, which allowed Cordero and Metro Police Chief Scott Thomson to assign many more officers to foot patrol in dangerous neighborhoods.

The old city-run force was rife with cops working desk jobs, which Cordero saw as a waste of money and manpower. He and Thomson hired civilians to replace them and put all uniformed officers on crime fighting duty. Boogaard says she didn't see a single cop during the first year she lived in the city. "Now I see them all the time and they make friendly conversation." Pastor Merrill says the old city-run force gave off a "disgruntled" air, and the morale of Metro police is noticeably better. "I want my police to be happy," he says.

Another coup: In Metro's first year, Cordero and Chief Thomson scored a one-year exemption from state civil service rules, which severely limit the discretion that police chiefs have in hiring and promoting their staff. That made it possible for them to break rank and quickly elevate talented junior officers. On Cordero's initiative, Metro replaced the basic aptitude test for screening new recruits mandated by civil service, which "has nothing to do with law enforcement." The new test was geared toward identifying candidates with interpersonal skills; a sample essay question asked aspiring Camden cops to recount a "difficult situation" in which they "displayed empathy and sensitivity toward others."

Cordero also redesigned the field-training program to stress community-building tactics. "The new officers were taught that when they walk the streets they have to go meet people, introduce themselves, and ask people what they're concerned about," he says.

Jose Cordero |||"As police, we sometimes forget that we operate by the consent of the community," says Cordero, "and our success is determined by the community." This philosophy stems from Cordero's background as a high-ranking commander with the New York City Police Department (NYPD), where he spent time in a division of the Civilian Complaint Review Board, an independent body that investigates instances of alleged police misconduct. Later he was the commanding officer of the NYPD's community advocates office.

His goal was to shift perceptions of crime, not just improve stats. In the mid-1990s, when Cordero served as the head of the 40th Precinct in the South Bronx, he observed that when crime rates fell, community members didn't always feel safer. That's because often their concerns were hyper-local. "The homicide rate is what the nation watches, but residents may be more focused on the drug dealers on the corner that their kids have to walk by," says Cordero. "It's still the zombie apocalypse in downtown Camden on a Saturday," says Pastor Merrill referring to the city's drug addicts, but the narcotics trade has mostly moved indoors.

Surveillance City

Under Cordero's watch, Camden was wired to the gills with cameras and microphones. When a gun is fired in the city, a system of microphones called ShotSpotter can triangulate the signal and pinpoint the location of the shooter within several feet. Using their home computers, a team of citizen volunteers can direct the city's many surveillance cameras to zone in on activity that they deem suspicious.

Civil libertarians are right to be concerned about government surveillance, but they should also acknowledge that unlike the paramilitary gear that horrified the nation when it appeared on the streets of Ferguson, Missouri, cameras and microphones actually make communities safer. ShotSpotter raises privacy issues, but it also liberates police from having to rely on citizens to report gunfire and it can bring a squad car to the scene of a shooting in no time. When ShotSpotter detects gunfire, Camden's new Automatic Vehicle Locator System can instantly determine the location of the two nearest patrol cars, which has brought the city's average 911-response time from one hour to 90 seconds.

It's incumbent on local police departments to be more open about how they're using the data they're collecting and to invite independent monitors to oversee their internal procedures. Like wearable cameras for cops, which the ACLU favors, street surveillance can also protect citizens from being abused by the police, which is why Metro should make the footage it collects available to the public upon request.

The bottom line: Turning off the cameras and microphones isn't the solution.

"Citizens are generally more interested in knowing when cameras are coming to their block," says Cordero, which is understandable given the severity of the city's crime problem. "Twenty years ago, I would have been on the civil liberties side, but now I think the [surveillance] is absolutely wonderful," Laura Sánchez told The Philadelphia Inquirer when the cameras first started appearing in the city. Robert Kressley, 44, says these tactics are appropriate if used effectively. "If all the cameras are really upping the rate at which the police are able to apprehend violent offenders, then it's OK," he says. "I'm hearing from a lot of people that this is a deterrent," says Pastor Merrill. "And I want the police to know instantaneously where a shot came from."

But Merrill is skeptical that better policing tactics are the solution to the crime problem. He believes the key is to bring more jobs into the community. "In Camden, I guarantee that poverty and high crime will be kissing cousins until we handle both of them."

Merrill is articulating the still prevalent view that crime is rooted in poverty, which the Manhattan Institute's Heather Mac Donald has called "one of the most destructive social theories that came out of the 1960s," providing the intellectual underpinnings of the Great Society. It also gave urban cops a great excuse to treat their jobs like 20 years of seat warming en route to a fat pension, while waiting for poverty to be eradicated.

Cordero has spent his career demonstrating that safe streets are a prerequisite to economic activity, not the other way around. "In the poorest community, there are a lot of good folks who just can't afford to move elsewhere and the people causing the problems are a minority," he says. "So if you deal with them effectively, you can bring down crime by a staggering amount." Hopefully, he'll be proven right again in Camden.

Original report here



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